Story highlights
- Political debate over fight against ISIS is at fever pitch, writes Julian Zelizer
- He says the United States should focus on key questions about the battles ahead
Julian Zelizer is a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University, a New America fellow and author of "The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society." The opinions expressed in this commentary are his.
(CNN)The political debate over the fight against ISIS is at fever pitch.
Very
soon after ISIS committed its atrocity in Paris, Republicans were
criticizing President Barack Obama for his policies in Syria and Iraq.
The Republican candidates joined in a chorus to explain what went wrong.
Obama, they said, pulled troops out of Iraq too early, creating a
vacuum that ISIS has filled while the administration failed to use
enough force when Syria started to break apart.
In
his characteristic rhetoric, Donald Trump said that if he were
president, he would "bomb the s—t out of ISIS." Candidates have come
down hard on Obama's refusal to call this a war against "radical Islam."
Sen. Marco Rubio said, "I don't
understand it. That would be like saying we weren't at war with Nazis
because we were afraid to offend some Germans who may have been members
of the Nazi party, but weren't violent."
When foreign policy and politics mix, which they almost always do, it can produce bad results.
Ongoing
Republican attacks in the 1950s that Democrats were weak in the fight
against communism, which conservatives said had been the reason that
China fell in 1949, constantly put pressure on Democrats to prove that
they were hawkish enough.
Politics was a big part of the reason that John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson got the nation deeper and deeper into Vietnam.
Political
pressure was also a major factor when Democrats in 2002 and 2003 shied
away from asking tough questions about President George W. Bush's
decision to go to war in Iraq. Hillary Clinton and John Kerry, both
future presidential candidates, voted in favor of a resolution allowing
the president to use force even though there were many doubts, which
proved correct, about whether this was really essential to the war
against al Qaeda.
But
there can be benefits when foreign policy becomes a major political
issue. The good thing about elections is that they push politicians to
confront and debate issues, to outline the differences that exist
between and within the parties and to put people on the record as to how
they would tackle a particular problem.
With
ISIS, despite all the partisan friction, there is general agreement on
who the enemy is and that they need to be defeated.
Yet
there are legitimate questions about how to handle this national
security challenge. As we move down the path toward a much bigger
military operation, the nation could benefit from a robust debate among
presidential and congressional candidates as to how we can defeat this
enemy while protecting the democratic values that we cherish.
There are a number of questions that should be part of our political conversation in the coming weeks.
Should the U.S. commit greater military forces?
There
is substantial support for adjusting the policies that President Obama
has pursued. Democrat Clinton has come out with her proposal to enforce a
no-fly zone over Syria, to conduct more airstrikes and to deploy
additional special operations forces, all of which would require a much
greater military presence by the United States.
But
some Republicans, including South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham and
Arizona Sen. John McCain, have also called for ground troops to
supplement the airstrikes and the local forces upon which the U.S. been
depending. This will be a critical decision. After years of war fatigue
from the long conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, this would be
politically difficult. The candidates should be asked under what
situations would they be willing to move forward with such a deployment.
How will the U.S. pay for this?
A
major escalation of military operations will cost money. This is the
kind of question that politicians never talk about, yet it's a question
that always becomes central as military operations unfold.
The
tensions between guns and butter have been a persistent challenge
during times of military conflict. Often skyrocketing deficits have been
the product of a nation unwilling to actually pay for its military
interventions.
Republicans have been
standing pretty firm that they will not raise taxes, and Democrats, thus
far, have not explained where they would obtain added revenue or budget
cuts to pay for a change in policy.
Where
will the money come from should be something that candidates are forced
to discuss now rather than once we are deep into the battle.
Assad or ISIS?
This
probably the most urgent decision that the candidates will need to take
a stand on. Thus far, President Obama has attempted to fight a
two-pronged war against both the Assad regime in Syria and ISIS, which
most experts agree is not possible.
Policymakers
must decide whether the United States should concentrate on first using
its force to take down Bashar al-Assad, and then move in on fighting
ISIS in that region. Or should the U.S. possibly ally with Russia and
Iran, leaving Assad in power, to focus everything on the war against
ISIS? Right now, most of the pressure is moving politicians toward
concentrating on ISIS.
What's the diplomatic strategy against radical jihadists?
An ideological war can't just be fought on the military battlefield. T
o
really defeat ISIS, the United States needs to improve its diplomatic
efforts to win over the hearts and minds of those who can possibly be
recruited into these forces and to build support within local
populations to help fight this threat. This is one of the reasons why
some politicians have argued that turning away refugees will only play
into the propaganda of ISIS about the United States and its allies.
At
this point, ISIS has been more successful on this front than the United
States, particularly in its use of social media to recruit members. The
candidates should be asked about what specific changes they would make
to our diplomatic efforts so that the United States can be more
effective in the struggle to win over hearts and minds.
How to balance civil liberties and surveillance
Other
than Rand Paul warning against a massive expansion of surveillance
power and others saying that Edward Snowden is to blame for all of this,
we haven't had much of a careful discussion about how we can correct
any intelligence gaps that exist without further diminishing civil
liberties that have eroded since 9/11.
"I think we need to restore the metadata program," Jeb Bush said on MSNBC's "Morning Joe."
It
is not yet clear that a failure to collect data was the reason for the
breakdown that resulted in Paris. In The Atlantic, Kaveh Waddell argued
that it's not clear new encryption techniques were the reason that
intelligence officials missed this attack, nor is it clear that
undercutting protections of the civil liberties of innocent Americans
would actually benefit the war against ISIS.
The
key issue is this: Can the rules under which the NSA operates allow it
to monitor terrorists without creating a police state? That discussion
needs to happen now, not after the United States plunges further into
battle.
These are some of the central
issues the nation faces, and that political candidates must be forced
to deal in the public arena and with the intense scrutiny that comes in
the midst of a campaign.


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