A
public affairs analyst, writer and columnist has written a yet another
explosive and thought-provoking piece to Nigerians, it's a must read!
Rotimi Amaechi
Frontline Niger Delta region’s oil producing Rivers State, host to
leading multi-national oil companies, as well as the largest oil and gas
infrastructure in Nigeria, is truly the treasure base of Africa’s
second largest oil producer. Nigeria’s economy is heavily dependent on
oil and gas export earnings (90 percent). It is not always gloomy in the
Niger Delta. Oil producing states benefit significantly from the
natural resource endowments of their land. A constitutionally guaranteed
13 percent derivation payable to oil producing states have put them
ahead of other states in terms of financial resources. Rivers State is
the most important of all the oil producing states.
Although the third largest oil producing state, it derives enormous
resources from taxes as the host of the highest number of oil
multinationals and oil and gas infrastructure in Nigeria. The state also
has the largest population of all the Niger Delta coastal states due to
the numerous economic opportunities that abound within its borders.
Nigeria’s political culture thrives on a corrupt patronage system of
crass cronyism; therefore, Rivers State is very important in the power
equation at the highest level of government. Whoever governs this very
important state is very influential and powerful in the politics of
Nigeria. This explains why democratic elections in Rivers State are
usually intense and sometimes violent.
Rotimi Amaechi, former governor and current minister of transport,
proved the importance of Rivers State in national politics in the 2015
presidential elections. Amaechi was the man who led the revolt of five
PDP governors, resulting in the break-up of the then ruling party. His
boldness and political astuteness endeared him to millions of Nigerians
across the country but alienated him from his people on the home front
because the man he worked against, former president Goodluck Jonathan,
is a son of the soil. The needless disagreements between Amaechi and the
first family, were as a result of the former president’s little
understanding of the Nigerian political space; an area in which Amaechi
had a clearer understanding.
The minister of transport lived yesterday in order to exist today.
He looked beyond Goodluck Jonathan, the first Niger Delta president of
Nigeria, as the ultimate destination of the Niger Delta people. Unlike
so many Niger Delta politicians who became regional ethnic champions
because one of their own was president, Amaechi remained faithful to the
broad alliance that was the PDP, by maintaining a nationalistic posture
and outlook without falling for the immediate but temporary gains of
sectionalism. He refused to compromise his position as the Governors
Forum chairman on sectional considerations, by being fiercely loyal and
faithful to his colleagues and pressing hard for the implementation of
the resolutions of the body, which were sometimes in conflict with then
Goodluck administration. When resisted, he was defiant in a manner which
his kinsman perceived as disloyalty, if not outright despise. Amaechi
was also not ready to tolerate the meddlesomeness of the then ebullient
and provincial first lady, Patient Jonathan; a Dame no man could tame,
not even her husband.
However, Amaechi’s main adversary and nemesis will emerge from
behind his own shadow – Ezenwo Nyesome Wike, his closest political ally,
confidant and nominee into the Federal Executive Council (as minister
of state for education). Wike is a man of proven ability in the
grassroots politics of Rivers State. He was like the field marshal of
the Amaechi political family. Like most Nigerian politicians, Wike was
driven by personal ambition for power. The only problem was that his
ambition to become governor did not fit into the equation of his
leader’s permutation of power rotation in Rivers State. Amaechi, as then
political leader of Rivers State, openly expressed the desirability of
the governorship seat to rotate to the riverine area of the state after
his tenure terminated. Wike, who like Amaechi, is from the upland area
of the state, was nursing the ambition to be governor.
Amaechi’s position on moving the seat of power in the state to the
riverine areas was not to spite or shortchange Wike, but was only fair
and consistent with PDP’S inherent zoning and power rotation pact.
Driven by the burning fire of his political ambition, Wike who came to
terms with the reality that he may stand no chance under the leadership
of Amaechi, suddenly, in a deft move, pitched his tent with the first
family. Goodluck Jonathan who was also nursing the ambition to become
president a second time – an ambition which he suspected Amaechi may not
support on account of the understanding that power should rotate back
to the north – found a natural ally in Wike. Both men were united in
their personal ambition over the common interest of the collective
interest. This alliance further aggravated their dispute with Amaechi.
Wike knew too much about his former boss and ally. He knew his
weaknesses and strength and was able to deconstruct and demystify him at
the highest echelon of power.
Goodluck Jonathan found in Nyesome Wike a trusted and reliable
ally, and tied his presidential ambition to the governorship quest of
Wike. In order to neutralise Amaechi and reduce his influence and power
within the ruling PDP, the Godspower Ake-led Rivers State executive
committee of the party was dissolved on the order of a federal high
court sitting in Abuja. This was speedily obeyed and Wike installed the
Felix Obuah-led caretaker executive committee. This move effectively
made Wike the leader of the PDP in the state. The full weight of
“federal might” was deployed to support Wike’s ambition. In the ensuing
power tussle, Amaechi’s exercise of his authority and power as a
governor were undermined by federal agencies on “orders from above”.
Amaechi refused to cave in but instead led the revolt of five PDP
governors to join forces with other political associations to form the
APC. Amaechi was the knife that ripped the umbrella. He became
Jonathan’s ultimate nemesis. He knew so much about Jonathan and
systemically exposed the former president’s weak points to millions of
Nigerians who craved change. Amaechi’s rhetoric against Jonathan was
perceived as an “insider’s account” and were largely held to be true.
The deep purse of Rivers State was used to oil the electioneering wheel
of APC’s Muhammadu Buhari effectively. Coming from Jonathan’s region,
Amaechi’s revolt was very instrumental to uniting opposition forces
against the former president, which led to his defeat at the polls.
Amaechi achieved his ultimate goal, while Wike achieved his ultimate
ambition of becoming governor. Jonathan lost out. The former president
was fighting Wike’s war thinking it was his.
History appears to be repeating itself again. The problem is that
men never learn from history and will always fall victim to it. The
Muhammadu Buhari APC-led Federal Government has also availed the
minister of transport, Rotimi Amaechi of the now notorious “federal
might” to enact the impunity and abuse of power and privileges in the
same manner the PDP did in the past. Today, Governor Wike is crying his
heart out bitterly, shouting his voice hoarse over the systematic
undermining of authority and powers on “orders from above”. Some say it
is the law of karma taking its course. I don’t believe in the law of
karma. I believe in repentance and forgiveness and a full stop to the
cycle of cause and effect.
What is happening in Rivers State under the APC administration of
Muhammadu Buhari, as it happened under the PDP administration of
Goodluck Jonathan, is wrong now as it was then. If Jonathan, why Buhari?
The vicious cycle of the corrupt use of power that entrenches the
political culture of impunity is least expected under a government that
enjoys the mandate of over fifteen million Nigerians because it promised
change. Rotimi, the hero of the change Nigerians were opportuned to
effect, should look beyond his rival and adversary, Wike, and continue
on his trajectory of being a nationalist statesman in Nigeria. His
reward for supporting Muhammadu Buhari, a Northern Muslim, over his own
kinsman, should not be the deployment of “federal might” in a petty
power tussle over local elections. His reward should be the massive
development of the Niger Delta region, far above what was achieved under
an earlier son of the soil, in order to justify the position he took in
2015.
Buhari needs to help Amaechi reconcile with his people by keeping,
as much as possible, the promises made to improve the socio-economic
life of the people of the Niger Delta. The inability of the Buhari
administration to take deliberate steps aimed at rapproachment and
genuine reconciliation in the Niger Delta, beyond tokenism by way of
political appointments, have further alienated the people of the region
and confer more legitimacy on Wike’s political dominance in the state.
Amaechi should avoid the mistake of Jonathan in fighting his own
kinsman to finish. Buhari should prove Amaechi right, that in making
democratic choices, citizens should look beyond ethno-religious
sentiments and elect leaders based on the content of their character and
proven track record, by significantly transforming the Niger Delta
landscape for good. Also, Amaechi should avoid the slippery path of
internal squabbles on the home front.
In an atmosphere of extreme sectionalism that pervades the Nigerian
political culture, it is better to keep the home front united behind
you, irrespective of political differences. The same friends cheering
Amaechi on today will exploit the faultline in his home base to
undermine him while using his public display of impunity to discredit
him, in the case of a power struggle that may most certainly arise
within the APC.
About the Author:
Majeed Dahiru is a public affairs analyst, writer and columnist for Premium Times. E-mail: dahirumajeed@gmail.com.
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